What is the danger of normalising exposure to violence in media?

Social psychology is the scientific study of human’s behaviour, thoughts, feelings within the social context. Studies of this nature can help understand what effect has the social world on individuals and groups, help predict social behaviour and change it. This requires a strong scientific basis to not harm anyone. That’s why social psychologists use scientific methods. First, they build up the theory based on found evidence. Then, scientists propose and test a hypothesis by actual interaction with people. After they’ve collected enough data, psychologists evaluate the theory. By the conclusion of it, they either approve the theory or disapprove it and start the revision (Bernstein, 2016). No doubt this is the right way to study human’s mental processes and behaviour, especially when data of the research can help resolve major social issues, such as aggressive behaviour. There were conducted numerous studies on that topic, but this work will specifically focus on 2 famous social psychology studies. 

The first study was conducted by Donnerstein in which he investigated the connection between violent pornography and aggression towards women. Donnerstein created a laboratory experiment where male participants would offer to watch an erotic non-violent film, aggressive pornography video (2 types: with victim positive reaction and negative reaction) and non-sexual aggressive film with the same amount of violence toward a woman. Afterwards, subjects get an option to aggress against a female confederate by administrating an electric shock. Additionally, participants after the experiment would fill in self-reports where they give answers to related questions (1984). The series of studies showed that light pornography doesn’t increase aggression towards women (Donnerstein and Barrett, 1978). Mosher (1971). The meanwhile non-sexual aggressive film increased aggressive attitudes in pre-angered and non-pre-angered men towards females. Malamuth and Check (1981). The biggest increase showed subjects watched a violent sexual video. What is more, a victim positive reaction to violence is a crucial aspect, as it is justifying aggression and diminish the importance of the issue. Donnerstein and Berkowitz (1981). That data has been supported by subjects’ self-reports where they showed an increase in acceptance of rape myths, willingness to use force and admit they would commit rape if not caught. Donnerstein (1983 B). Such results show a strong correlation between exposure to violent pornography and violence against women. 

The previous experiment has shown the result of a single exposure to violent content. Thereby it will be interesting to look at the effect of long term exposure to aggressive content, for example, violence in media. Berkowitz created a series of experiments to study the effect of observing filmed violence. First, the male subject is paired with the confederate while working on an intelligence test. Confederate insults a subject. The next task is to watch a short violent video. Half of the subjects watch a video where the protagonist receives a harsh beating and is portrayed as an “evil guy” who deserves punishment. The other half of the subjects viewed a video where they felt more sympathetic towards the victim of violence. Then participants watch another violent video of a man getting beaten. Afterwards, subjects have been told to judge the work of their co-worker and give one electric shock if they find the job is decent or more shocks if the job is done poorly. The results showed men who saw the justification of violence acted more aggressive towards their co-workers. (1964)

In conclusion, scientific studies on aggression established the effect of violent sexual and non-sexual media on men’s behaviour and social attitudes against women and men. 

References

Berkowitz, l., 1964. The Effects of Observing Violence. Scientific American, Vol. 210(2), 313-324. https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.526.5954&rep=rep1&type=pdf

Bernstein, D., 2016. Psychology: Foundations and Frontiers. Cengage Learning. 

Donnerstein, E., Malamuth, N., 1984. Pornography and sexual aggression. Academic press. https://bunker4.zlibcdn.com/dtoken/93388e19fb1a66f8aad9cad2323c7f79

Donnerstein, E., & Berkowitz, L. (1981). Victim reactions in aggressive erotic films as a factor in

violence against women. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 41, Ί10-124. 

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How the biological study of mental processes has contributed to the development of psychology as a discipline?

Introduction

To better answer the question, this post will illustrate how the study of mental processes has evolved through three significant phases: before Biological studies, this “era” focuses on the early philosophical and introspective approaches; the Stimulus-reaction period, this is the “era” of behaviourism and early neurophysiological models, which characterised brain as a stimulus-response machine; Predictive Processing, the current “era”, which provides a more integrated and dynamic understanding of mental processes as proactive, prediction-based processes.

Brain’s function and structure across the time

Before going into a detailed exploration of the study of mental processes across the history of psychology, it’s important to look at the evolution of understanding brain functions and structures across the mentioned periods; to see the profound changes in the conceptualisation of the brain in psychology and neuroscience. 

Before Biological contribution: in this era, the understanding of the brain function and structure was rudimentary and relayed on philosophical speculations. The anatomical knowledge was limited and the brain’s importance was overlooked. Aristotle for instance thought that the heart has a more crucial role and is the primary organ of sensation (Aristotle, 350 BCE). The brain’s function, for example was often explained through metaphysical concepts, like the Humoral theory, which suggests that bodily fluids influenced behaviour and temperament (Hippocrates, 400 BCE). Later in the 17th century, Descartes proposed a new theory “Mind-Body Dualism”, where he distinctly separates the nature of the mind and the nature of the body, arguing that one can exist without another. Although he assigns a function of consciousness and reason to the brain. 

Stimulus-Reaction Era: shaped by the rise of behaviourism and early neuroscience, the understanding of the brain shifted towards more empirical and anatomical forms. Which led to a clearer understanding of the brain’s structure and functions. One of the most significant findings was Broca’s discovery of the speech production centre in the brain, known as Broca’s area, which linked specific brain areas to cognitive function (Broca, 1861). This was the beginning of a new field- neurophysiology. Later Wernickle (1874) developed even further the brain-behaviour relationship, by identifying the brain’s area responsible for language comprehension. During the same period, the brain’s function was understood as a stimulus-response mechanism, (where specific inputs led to certain outputs.) This era was dominated by the behaviourists’ perspective that all behaviours could be understood as reflexes conditioned by environmental stimuli (Watson, 1913; Pavlov 1927).

The Predictive Processing Era: views the brain as an active participant that doesn’t just passively respond to the external world but proactively simulates and predicts the environment. The distinction of understanding brain structure in this era is neuroimaging technologies such as fMRI and PET scans which allowed to examine hierarchical organisation of the brain, showing how different layers of neural circuits predict sensory inputs at various levels of abstraction (Friston, 2005). The brain’s function is understood as a continuous prediction process, to minimise the error between its predictions and sensory inputs and by adjusting its predictions, shapes cognitive functions. As well as, construct and maintain perceptual reality (Clark, 2013). Unlike earlier theories which often separated mind and body, the modern approach emphasises the inseparability of cognitive processes from their biological bases, aligning psychology more closely with biological science.

References

  • Aristotle. (circa 350 BCE). De Anima (On the Soul).
  •  Broca, P. (1861). Remarks on the seat of the faculty of articulated language, following an observation of aphemia (loss of speech). Bulletin de la Société Anatomique.
  • Clark, A. (2013). “Whatever next? Predictive brains, situated agents, and the future of cognitive science.” Behavioral and Brain Sciences.
  • Friston, K. (2005). “A theory of cortical responses.” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series B, Biological Sciences.
  • Hippocrates. (460-370 BCE). On the Sacred Disease.
  • Pavlov, I.P. (1927). Conditioned Reflexes. London: Oxford University Press.
  • Watson, J.B. (1913). “Psychology as the behaviorist views it.” Psychological Review
  • Wernicke, C. (1874). Der aphasische Symptomencomplex: Eine psychologische Studie auf anatomischer Basis. Cohn & Weigert.

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Part 4. Relevant Research on the IAT & Conclusion.

While there have been mixed results regarding the predictive validity of the IAT, some studies have shown that the test is a reliable measure of implicit attitudes. For example, Nosek et al. (2007) found that the IAT was able to predict voting behaviour better than self- report measures, suggesting that the test may be useful in certain contexts. Similarly, Axt et al. (2014) found that the IAT was able to predict discriminatory behaviour in a hiring scenario, suggesting that the test may be useful in identifying implicit biases in the workplace.

However, it is important to note that the IAT is not without its limitations. As mentioned earlier, the test has been criticised for its low test-retest reliability, which can limit its usefulness in longitudinal studies or when measuring changes in attitudes over time (Oswald et al., 2013). Additionally, there is some debate about the extent to which the IAT measures true implicit attitudes, as the test may also reflect explicit attitudes or other factors such as response bias (Hofmann et al., 2005).
Despite these limitations, the IAT remains a widely used tool for assessing implicit attitudes, and it has been used in a variety of fields, including psychology, sociology, and political science (Greenwald et al., 2003). As with any measure, it is important to consider the strengths and weaknesses of the IAT in light of the specific research question and context.

Recommendation:

Based on the available evidence, it is recommended that the implementation of the Implicit Association Test (IAT) should be considered for broader use across the country to promote diversity and inclusion.
Studies have shown that the IAT is a reliable and valid tool for assessing implicit attitudes and biases related to race, gender, and sexual orientation (Greenwald et al., 1998; Nosek et al., 2002). Furthermore, research has demonstrated that implicit biases can have significant negative effects on decision-making, behaviour, and outcomes in a variety of settings, including healthcare, education, and the workplace (FitzGerald & Hurst, 2017; Hall et al., 2015; Greenwald et al., 2009).

Using the IAT in combination with other measures can provide a more comprehensive understanding of the issues being studied. For example, in healthcare settings, the IAT can be used in conjunction with clinical observations and patient feedback to assess the impact of implicit biases on healthcare outcomes (FitzGerald & Hurst, 2017).
In conclusion, based on the available evidence, the implementation of the IAT should be considered for broader use across the country as part of efforts to promote diversity and inclusion. However, its limitations should be recognized, and its results should not be the sole basis for making decisions about individuals or groups. Its use should be in conjunction with other measures of attitudes and behaviours. Additionally, interventions aimed at reducing implicit biases should be designed to incorporate observational learning and modelling behaviours that promote positive attitudes towards stigmatized groups.

  • References:
  • Axt, J. R., Ebersole, C. R., & Nosek, B. A. (2014). The rules of implicit evaluation by race, religion, and age. Psychological science25(9), 1804–1815. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797614543801
  • Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. https://doi.org/10.1177/105960117700200317
  • Blair, I. V., Steiner, J. F., Hanratty, R., Price, D. W., Fairclough, D. L., Daugherty, S. L., Bronsert, M., Magid, D. J., & Havranek, E. P. (2014). An investigation of associations between clinicians’ ethnic or racial bias and hypertension treatment, medication adherence and blood pressure control. Journal of General Internal Medicine29(7), 987-95. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11606-014-2795-z
  • Blanton, H., Jaccard, J., Strauts, E., Mitchell, G., & Tetlock, P. E. (2015). Toward a meaningful metric of implicit prejudice. The Journal of applied psychology100(5), 1468–1481. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0038379
  • Cooper, J., Blackman, S., & Keller, K. (2015). The Science of Attitudes. Taylor & Francis.https://essexonline.vitalsource.com/books/9781317509615
  • Dasgupta, N., & Asgari, S. (2004). Seeing is believing: Exposure to counterstereotypic women leaders and its effect on the malleability of automatic gender stereotyping.
  • Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 40(5), 642-658. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1016/j.jesp.2004.02.003
  • Devine, P. G. (1989). Stereotypes and prejudice: Their automatic and controlled components. Journal of personality and social psychology, 56(1), 5-18. DOI: 10.1037//0022- 3514.56.1.5
  • Devine, P. G., Forscher, P. S., Austin, A. J., & Cox, W. T. (2012). Long-term reduction in implicit race bias: A prejudice habit-breaking intervention. Journal of experimental social psychology48(6), 1267–1278. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2012.06.003
  • FitzGerald, C., Hurst, S. (2017) Implicit bias in healthcare professionals: a systematic review.BMC Med Ethics 18, 19. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12910-017-0179-8
  • Greenwald, A. G., McGhee, D. E., & Schwartz, J. L. K. (1998). Measuring individual differences in implicit cognition: The implicit association test. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74(6), 1464–1480. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022- 3514.74.6.1464
  • Greenwald, A. G., Banaji, M. R., Rudman, L. A., Farnham, S. D., Nosek, B. A., & Mellott, D. S. (2002). A unified theory of implicit attitudes, stereotypes, self-esteem, and self- concept_. Psychological Review, 109_(1), 3-25. DOI: 10.1037//0033-295X.109.1.3
  • Greenwald, A. G., Poehlman, T. A., Uhlmann, E. L., & Banaji, M. R. (2009). Understanding and using the implicit association test: III. Meta-analysis of predictive validity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 97(1), 17–41.https://doi.org/10.1037/a0015575
  • Greenwald, A. G., Nosek, B. A., & Banaji, M. R. (2003). Understanding and using the implicit association test: I. An improved scoring algorithm. Journal of personality and social psychology85(2), 197–216. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.85.2.197
  • Hall, W. J., Chapman, M. V., Lee, K. M., Merino, Y. M., Thomas, T. W., Payne, B. K., Eng, E., Day, S. H., Coyne-Beasley, T., & Coa, K. (2015). Implicit racial/ethnic bias among health care professionals and its influence on health care outcomes: A systematic review. American Journal of Public Health, 105(12), 60-76. doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2015.302903
  • Hofmann, W., Gawronski, B., Gschwendner, T., Le, H., & Schmitt, M. (2005). A meta- analysis on the correlation between the Implicit Association Test and explicit self- report measures. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 31(10), 1369-1385. doi: 10.1177/0146167205275613
  • Kang, Y., Gray, J. R., & Dovidio, J. F. (2014). The nondiscriminating heart: lovingkindness meditation training decreases implicit intergroup bias. Journal of experimental psychology. General143(3), 1306–1313. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0034150
  • Lu, H. J., Chang, L., & Li, Y. (2017). Does the Implicit Association Test (IAT) really measure implicit attitudes? A comparative test of the IAT and explicit measures. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 43(5), 559-569.
  • Nosek, B. A., Banaji, M. R., & Greenwald, A. G. (2002). Harvesting implicit group attitudes and beliefs from a demonstration website_. Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice, 6_(1), 101–115. https://doi.org/10.1037/1089-2699.6.1.101
  • Nosek, B. A., Greenwald, A. G., & Banaji, M. R. (2007). The Implicit Association Test at age 7: A methodological and conceptual review. In J. A. Bargh (Ed_.), Social psychology and the unconscious: The automaticity of higher mental processes_ (pp. 265–292). Psychology Press.https://faculty.washington.edu/agg/pdf/Nosek%20&%20al.IATatage7.2007.pdf
  • Okonofua, J. A., Walton, G. M., & Eberhardt, J. L. (2016). A vicious cycle: A social– psychological account of extreme racial disparities in school discipline. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 11(3), 381-398. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1177/1745691616635592
  • Olson, M. A., & Fazio, R. H. (2009). Implicit and explicit measures of attitudes: The perspective of the MODE model. In R. E. Petty, R. H. Fazio, & P. Brinol (Eds.), Attitudes: Insights from the new implicit measures (pp. 19-63). New York, NY: Psychology Press. https://shorturl.at/mIJT8
  • Oswald, F. L., Mitchell, G., Blanton, H., Jaccard, J., & Tetlock, P. E. (2013). Predicting ethnic and racial discrimination: A meta-analysis of IAT criterion studies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 105(2), 171–192. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/a0032734
  • Rudman, L. A., & Phelan, J. E. (2010). The interpersonal power of feminism: Is feminism good for romantic relationships? Sex Roles, 62(3-4), 197-207. DOI:10.1007/s11199- 007-9319-9

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Part 3. Can we detect Social Biases?

Pros and Cons of Using the IAT:

One advantage of using the IAT is that it is less susceptible to social desirability biases, as it measures implicit attitudes that are often outside of an individual’s conscious awareness (Nosek et al., 2002). This is important because people may not always be willing or able to report their true attitudes, especially if they are concerned about how others may perceive them. By measuring implicit attitudes, the IAT can provide a more accurate picture of an individual’s attitudes and beliefs.

Additionally, the IAT can be administered remotely and quickly, making it a relatively low- cost and efficient tool for assessing attitudes. This is particularly useful in large-scale research studies, where researchers may need to assess the attitudes of many participants in a short period of time. The IAT can be administered online, which also allows researchers to reach a more diverse pool of participants than they might be able to through in-person testing (Greenwald et al., 1998).
There are two additional advantages of using the IAT are its ability to identify unconscious biases and its potential for identifying the underlying mechanisms of biases in social-cultural contexts.
Firstly, the IAT is able to identify unconscious biases that individuals may not even be aware of, which can be particularly valuable in identifying and addressing systemic biases in social- cultural contexts. Unconscious biases can have a significant impact on social interactions, decision-making processes, and behaviors, which can perpetuate inequalities in society (Devine, 1989). By identifying these biases, the IAT can serve as a starting point for individuals and organizations to address and correct them (Kang et al., 2014).
Secondly, the IAT has the potential to identify the underlying mechanisms of biases in social- cultural contexts. For example, research has used the IAT to explore the impact of social norms on implicit attitudes towards stigmatized groups (Rudman & Phelan, 2010). This research has found that individuals may hold implicit biases even if they consciously endorse egalitarian beliefs, which suggests that social norms may play a significant role in shaping implicit attitudes. By identifying the underlying mechanisms of biases, the IAT can provide insight into the complex processes that contribute to social inequalities and inform interventions to address them.

However, the IAT has also been criticized for its limited ability to predict behaviour. This is because the test only measures automatic associations, which may not always translate into real-world behaviour (Greenwald et al., 2002). In other words, just because someone has an implicit bias on the IAT does not necessarily mean that they will behave in a biased way in real life.

Furthermore, the IAT has been shown to have low test-retest reliability, indicating that an individual’s scores on the test may vary over time (Oswald et al., 2013). This is an important consideration for researchers who may be using the IAT to track changes in attitudes over time or to evaluate the effectiveness of interventions aimed at reducing bias. Low test-retest reliability suggests that the IAT may not be a reliable tool for measuring changes in attitudes over time.

Another potential disadvantage of the IAT is that it may not always be culturally appropriate or relevant for certain populations. For example, some studies have found that the IAT may not accurately capture implicit attitudes among individuals from non-Western cultures (Lu et. al., 2017). This may be because the test was developed and normed using Western samples, and the underlying assumptions and associations may not be universally applicable.
On the other hand, one potential benefit of the IAT is that it can provide feedback to individuals about their own biases, which can be a useful tool for personal growth and development (Blanton et al., 2015). This can be particularly valuable in contexts such as education and training, where individuals may be motivated to change their attitudes and behaviours.

In summary, the IAT has both advantages and limitations as a tool for assessing implicit attitudes. While it can provide a more accurate picture of an individual’s attitudes and beliefs, it may not always be culturally appropriate or relevant, and may not reliably predict behaviour or changes in attitudes over time. Researchers and practitioners should carefully consider the strengths and weaknesses of the IAT when deciding whether to use it in their research or practice.

Part 2. Can we detect Social Biases?

Social learning theory and its role in the issue:

One theory of attitude formation and change that is relevant to the discussion on the IAT is the social learning theory. Social learning theory suggests that attitudes can be acquired through direct experience, observation of others’ behaviours, and through the influence of media and cultural norms (Bandura, 1977). This theory posits that attitudes can change through the process of observational learning, where an individual learns from the consequences of others’ behaviours.

In the context of the IAT, social learning theory suggests that implicit attitudes may be influenced by exposure to biased media representations or cultural norms that perpetuate stereotypes and prejudice. For example, an individual who is repeatedly exposed to negative stereotypes of a particular racial or ethnic group in the media may develop implicit biases towards that group, even if they consciously reject those stereotypes (Olson & Fazio, 2009). Moreover, social learning theory also suggests that attitudes can be changed through the process of modelling. This means that individuals can learn new attitudes by observing the behaviours of others and the consequences of those behaviours (Bandura, 1977). Therefore, interventions aimed at reducing implicit biases, such as the IAT, may be more effective if they incorporate modelling behaviours that promote positive attitudes towards stigmatized groups. For example, research has shown that exposure to positive counter-stereotypical exemplars (Dasgupta & Asgari, 2004) as well as diversity training program (Devine et al., 2012) can lead to a reduction in implicit biases towards various social groups. Overall, the social learning theory provides a useful framework for understanding how implicit attitudes are formed and changed, and highlights the importance of environmental factors in shaping attitudes.

Can we detect Social Biases?

Introduction

Attitudes are a fundamental aspect of human behaviour, and they can shape our thoughts, feelings, and actions towards different stimuli. It is a well-established fact that attitudes can be explicit or implicit. Explicit attitudes are consciously held and often expressed through self-report measures, while implicit attitudes are unconscious and automatic, making them challenging to measure using traditional self-report methods (Cooper et al., 2015). This series of blog-posts will critically review the implementation of the Implicit Association Test (IAT) as a tool for assessing attitudes, with reference to relevant theory and research. Additionally, an evidence- based recommendation will be made about whether this practice should be rolled out across the whole country.

What is the Implicit Association Test (IAT)?

The Implicit Association Test (IAT) is a widely-used measure of implicit attitudes and associations, particularly those related to social and racial biases. Developed by Greenwald, McGhee, and Schwartz in 1998, the IAT measures the strength of an individual’s automatic association between mental representations of objects in memory by measuring reaction times to categorize stimuli into various categories. The IAT has been used to investigate various implicit biases, such as those related to race, gender, sexual orientation, and age.
For example, studies using the IAT have found evidence of implicit biases against Black individuals in various domains, including healthcare, education, and criminal justice. One study found that medical professionals who scored higher on the IAT for implicit bias against Black individuals were less likely to recommend thrombolysis (a clot-busting drug) to Black patients with acute coronary syndrome than to White patients with the same condition (Blair et al., 2014). In education, studies have found that implicit biases can affect teachers’ expectations and perceptions of students, leading to differential treatment and outcomes. For instance, teachers who scored higher on the IAT for implicit bias against Black individuals were more likely to rate Black students’ behaviour as problematic and to recommend disciplinary action than White students with the same behaviour (Okonofua et al., 2016).